Georgians are on the streets of Tbilisi every day, defying fines, arrests, and intimidation amid a fierce government crackdown.
The current wave of demonstrations began on 28 November 2024, when protests in Tbilisi turned into a continuous, daily movement. Earlier signs of unrest had appeared on 26 October, following parliamentary elections that opposition groups and international observers described as marred by widespread irregularities. The ruling Georgian Dream (GD) party – in power since 2012 – again declared victory amid accusations of vote manipulation. In his forensic review, Hans Gutbrod, a professor at Ilia State University in Tbilisi,argues that Georgian Dream’s 53.96% result is inconsistent with normal voting behavior, pointing instead to classic manipulation patterns: unusually uniform precinct results, abrupt late-night surges for the ruling party, and turnout spikes in areas long associated with pressure on voters. A separate analysis by a group of Georgian researchers estimates that between 90,000 and 245,000 ballots may have been falsified.
The situation escalated after Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced that Georgia would not open EU accession negotiations until the end of 2028 and would reject EU budgetary grants in the meantime, citing concerns over “blackmail.” The statement provoked widespread public discontent. Within hours, thousands gathered on Rustaveli Avenue in central Tbilisi. Since that day, demonstrations have continued without interruption.
“This is the longest ever non-stop protest that has taken place in Georgia,” says Irina Guruli, a policy analyst and associate professor at Ilia State University in Tbilisi with nearly two decades of experience working in Georgia’s civil society sector.
Enforcing Silence
From the early days of the protests, state security forces adopted a hardline posture. In the first three weeks alone, according to Human Rights Watch, police used water cannons, tear gas, rubber bullets, and batons to disperse largely peaceful crowds, and detained more than 460 protesters, with reports of severe ill-treatment in custody.
Moreover, among 442 detainees visited by the public defender’s office between November 2024 and March 2025, 60% reported mistreatment. The public defender’s report said that no law enforcement officers have been held publicly accountable for the abuses.
Heavy fines are another official tool to suppress legitimate protests, according to the Georgian Young Lawyers Association, which notes that fines for “blocking roads” escalated dramatically from approximately $185 to $1,850, and the fines levied between November 2024 and March 2025 reached approximately $740,000.
Administrative and public-sector workers have become a frequent target, with around 700 civil servants dismissed since December 2024, according to Transparency International, often for supporting protests or signing pro‑EU petitions. Legal changes weakened staff protections, making it easier to fire employees and discouraging public‑sector workers from siding with the protests.
“I was dismissed from my job for signing an open letter – a letter in which I, along with other civil servants, opposed the suspension of Georgia’s European integration. It was the first time in my life that I filed a lawsuit. The first time I found myself without an income. The first time I’ve spent time at rallies with my young children,” Taya Makharashvili, a public policy specialist and former civil servant in Tbilisi, told JAMnews.
New Architecture of Repression
In response to the growing protests, the government moved swiftly to reshape the legal and institutional environment.
In December 2024, parliament amended the Law on Assemblies and Demonstrations, expanding the list of prohibited items and protest actions, from face coverings and fireworks to the use of laser devices, and introducing heavier fines and administrative detention for violations. In contrast to the government’s justification of the measures as necessary for “public order,” the OSCE’s human rights office said that some of the amendments “raise serious concerns about their compliance with international human rights standards” and could restrict the right to peaceful assembly.
Further amendments in February 2025 banned roadblocks and gatherings near “critical infrastructure,” giving the Ministry of Internal Affairs wide latitude to determine what qualifies as a threat. The laws, adopted in expedited sessions, effectively give the government the tools to deem almost any protest illegal.
The crackdown has extended beyond the streets. In spring 2025, the GD began reshaping the legal environment around civil society and the media. Anew law requires all international grant funding, even for educational or humanitarian projects, to receive government approval, with violations punishable by steep fines.
Georgian NGOs, including Transparency International Georgia and the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association, warned in a joint statement that the legislation is “designed to turn Georgia into a closed, isolated state in which all areas of public life are subjected to totalitarian control by Georgian Dream, while society is stripped of access to vital support from international partners and friends. It also aims to shut down the work of independent media and civil society organizations that inform the Georgian people of rights violations committed by state authorities.”
Around the same time, legislation was enacted that compels organizations receiving international support to register as “agents of foreign influence.” Non-compliance could result in criminal prosecution and imprisonment. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have warned that the measure would silence NGOs and independent journalists.
New defamation amendments in summer 2025 further tightened control over the public sphere. Under the changes, the reconciliation period in defamation disputes has been dramatically shortened, from one month to 10 days, making it harder for parties to resolve claims out of court. By far the most significant alteration, however, is the shift of the burden of proof: defendants must now prove that their statements are not substantially false, making it more difficult for media outlets to report critically on government actions.
Fighting for the Future
Guruli emphasizes what sets these protests apart: “It’s completely genuine. There are no party interests behind it. People aren’t out there hoping to become ministers or gain influence – they’re simply fighting for their future.”
Guruli adds that “the movement is entirely self-organized.” In the absence of formal leadership, protesters have relied on fluid coordination and creativity. “There are human chains, different professional marches every day: doctors, teachers, students, people educated abroad. Everybody can find themselves in some type of cluster.”
These small tactical innovations have become a hallmark of the movement. Under new restrictions, demonstrators now rotate participants for roadblocks, limiting arrests. “Whoever is blocking the road knows they will go to prison,” Guruli explains. “So they’re not letting more people than needed go on the road, because the next day we need others to be free.”
“Yes, I’m tired. Standing outside through rain, snow, and heat is not easy – but that exhaustion is a price worth paying for freedom,” Archil Todua, regional coordinator for Transparency International Georgia, told JAMnews.
Acts of solidarity extend far beyond the rallies. Cafes and restaurants in Tbilisi offered free coffee, hot soup, and tea to protesters through the cold months. “We spent New Year’s there,” Guruli recalls. “There was a big feast outside on Rustaveli. Everybody spent the night in the street.”
Even financial repression has met with collective resistance. Fines and bail payments are often covered through spontaneous crowdfunding, sometimes raised within minutes. “People post: ‘I’ve been fined 5,000 lari, here’s my account number,’” Guruli says. “And they manage to collect it in 10 minutes.”
When authorities began freezing accounts and investigating civic funds as alleged “plots against the government,” the gesture of donating even one lari (0,37 $) took on new meaning. “Because there is so much solidarity,” Guruli says. “That’s why the government has seized many of these accounts – because they see the strength in it.”
Assault on the Palace
The movement faced a critical test on 4 October 2025, the day Georgia held municipal elections. While only local in scope, the elections took on national significance. Major opposition parties boycotted the vote, arguing that the GD had already entrenched its power and stacked the electoral framework against competition. Amnesty International flagged serious pre‑election concerns: amendments to electoral and civil legislation, restrictions on foreign funding and media, and limited electoral oversight.
The official results delivered a sweeping victory for Georgian Dream. According to the Central Election Commission of Georgia, the GD won mayoral races and council majorities in all 64 municipalities contested with around 80% of the vote. In Tbilisi’s mayoral race, the incumbent GD candidate Kakha Kaladze was also re-elected.
On the same day, thousands of demonstrators gathered in Tbilisi, waving Georgian and EU flags and rallying for a “peaceful revolution” against the GD. As voting was underway, a crowd of people moved toward the grounds of the presidential palace and attempted to storm it. They were met with a heavy police response. Security forces used water cannons, pepper spray and tear gas; at least six protesters and 21 officers were reported injured.
Accusations flew as to who instigated the march on the palace, and why.
“Some opposition figures claim the October 4 unrest was a ‘trap’ or even an act of ‘treason’ plotted by the Georgian Dream, while others see it as the outcome of a reckless political gamble,” news site Civil.ge wrote. On the government side, Prime Minister Kobakhidze declared the incident an “attempt to overthrow the constitutional order,” accusing opposition actors – and implicating the European Union – of backing the operation. Five leading activists, including prominent figures such as the opera singer Paata Burchuladze, were arrested and charged with “calls to violently alter Georgia’s constitutional order,” charges that can bring sentences of up to nine years.
International Response
“If we don’t have external support, with sanctions and more support from the West, it’s really hard to sustain this inside,” Guruli says.
As the crackdown deepened, Georgia’s international partners began to respond. In December 2024, the European Commission proposed suspending parts of the visa‑facilitation agreement with Georgia, citing “violent repression … by the Georgian authorities against peaceful protesters, politicians and independent media.”
In early December, Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia introduced coordinated sanctions against Georgian officials linked to the suppression of protests and civil society.
In January 2025, the Council of the European Union followed through, suspending visa-free travel for Georgian diplomats and officials. The Council said this decision was a response to “democratic backsliding and repression” in Georgia.
Across the Atlantic, the United States also took action. On 19 December 2024, the U.S. Treasury imposed travel bans and asset freezes on two high-ranking Internal Affairs Ministry officials, citing their roles in “brutal crackdowns on protesters, journalists, and opposition figures.”
Yet despite these measures, broad international coordination has remained limited. “They issue statements,” Guruli says, “but without real pressure, the government knows it can continue.”
What Keeps Hope Alive
When asked what keeps her going, Guruli doesn’t hesitate. “The people,” she says. “The hope lies in the people. The younger generation doesn’t carry the old divisions. They see themselves as European. You can’t undo that.”
For her, the protests have transformed more than politics: “Civil society was born,” she says. “We’ve changed as a society. Even if we don’t win tomorrow, this movement has already made us different.”
“I’ve thought a lot about how all this will end – both the best- and worst-case scenarios,” JAMnews quoted digital communications specialist Dodi Kharkheli as saying. “And what comforts me most is that I’ve found an answer: even if the protests end tomorrow, the resistance won’t. Even under the Soviet Union, people found ways to resist. There will be an underground press – and I’ll be the one printing leaflets.”
Milena Svobodova is an editorial intern at Transitions. She is studying for a bachelor’s in political science at Jan Evangelista Purkyne University in the Czech Republic.
