As the ruling party systematically sabotages press freedom, Serbia’s independent journalists remain resilient, while civic movements continue to challenge the country’s authoritarian trend.
Serbia has seen a consistent decline in press freedoms under President Aleksandar Vucic’s watch, but not without a fight.
In its latest World Press Freedom Index, the media watchdog Reporters Without Borders says the Balkan country is in a “downward spiral” and that “journalists are subject to political pressure and crimes committed against them go unpunished.”
Freedom House notes that political rights and civil liberties have “steadily eroded” under Vucic and his Serbian Progressive Party (SNS). This, the pro-democracy group concludes, has put legal and extrajudicial pressure on “independent media, the political opposition, and civil society organizations.”
The situation has become particularly dire since the deadly collapse of a canopy at the newly renovated railway station in Novi Sad in November 2024. Faced with a large wave of student-led anti-government protests, Vucic and the SNS have responded by further tightening their control over state institutions and public life.
But not without pushback. Many media outlets are fighting to maintain their independence and holding the editorial line in pursuit of sound journalism.
Transitions’ Andrej Grgin interviewed the editor in chief of one such outlet to gain a firsthand account of the current realities of working as a journalist in Serbia.
Vladimira Dorcova Valtnerova says she has faced considerable adversary in founding Storyteller, which publishes its content in both the Serbian and Slovak languages. But Valtnerova takes pride both in pushing back against efforts to control the media, and in the rugged spirit of solidarity within the country’s independent media sector.
Grgin: What inspired you to found Storyteller in 2017, where you still serve as editor-in-chief today?
Valtnerova: Essentially, the original motivation behind founding Storyteller was to present the Slovak community living in Vojvodina, Serbia, from a variety of perspectives and to make it more visible to the broader public. Before that, I worked in Slovak-language media, and I was increasingly frustrated by the fact that the Slovak national community – much like other minority communities – was viewed predominantly through the lens of folklore, customs, traditions, and similar themes. Very often, especially in mainstream media, various stereotypes and prejudices were present.
So, at the time, it seemed logical to me to create my own media platform that would publish in two languages and help bring the Slovak community closer to audiences who do not speak Slovak. But from the very beginning, I envisioned a different kind of journalism. I was not interested in daily news reporting; I wanted to tell stories. On one hand, I wanted to highlight positive developments – not in the sense of superficial “feel-good” stories, but stories about communities finding ways to improve aspects of their lives and environments. On the other hand, as a journalist, I also felt a responsibility to critically examine the negative phenomena present in our society.
For the first few years, I worked alone. Only later did circumstances allow me to build a team and bring in colleagues. Quite early on, I also became drawn to the idea of solutions-oriented journalism, although back then I did not fully understand what this term actually meant. Still, my path naturally led me toward more rigorous reporting on responses to social challenges, not only in Serbia, but across the Western Balkans, and increasingly beyond that as well.
Grgin: How do you choose topics that you believe will be of interest to your readership, largely made up of members of the Slovak minority in Serbia?
Dorcova Valtnerova: Our main guiding principle when selecting topics and interviewees is the idea of doing something “different.” We look for people with unconventional ideas, unique hobbies and professions, and fresh perspectives on the work and functioning of the National Council of the Slovak National Minority. In other words, we aim to offer something that cannot be found either in other Slovak-language media outlets or in mainstream Serbian-language media.
Whenever I think about what we could cover next in relation to the Slovak community, I am drawn to ideas that are more alternative, more modern, and more innovative. Those are the kinds of values and concepts that guide us when choosing our topics.
Grgin: What is Storyteller’s current position as a bilingual media outlet? Recently, you were confronted with protests and threats from supporters of President Vucic’s SNS outside your editorial offices.
Dorcova Valtnerova: We can talk about the position of our outlet from several different perspectives. I will start with the positive side of things. We have built a very strong position within the media sector in Serbia, as well as across the Western Balkans and beyond. The media community in the region – regardless of the language it speaks – regards us as an example of good journalistic practice. In fact, we managed to establish our reputation remarkably quickly. We are also regarded as having strong journalistic integrity, particularly within professional journalism and media associations.
On the other hand, the incident in front of our office that you mentioned is one example of the kind of negative situations we face. It happened recently but, in truth, similar things occur periodically. This was the first time protesters gathered directly outside our office, and it was genuinely intimidating. It also happens that our journalists – especially the women reporting in the field – are often subjected to verbal abuse and, at times, physical attacks. Fortunately, those physical assaults have never been extremely severe, so at least in that respect we have been spared from more serious consequences.
Last September, together with seven or eight other local media outlets in Serbia, we appeared on a list published by the Russian foreign intelligence service. We were accused of preparing and organizing a “colored revolution” [anti-government demonstrations that Russia asserts are engineered by the West to undermine Moscow-friendly governments] in Serbia and of attempting to undermine the state. Local politicians affiliated with the SNS frequently refer to us in their own “media” as a biased outlet, claiming that the editor-in-chief – meaning me – is organizing activities against the regime, which is completely false. This is something we encounter regularly, although usually not as intensely as what happened recently.
At first glance, all of this may seem purely negative. But when we take a step back and reflect on it, it can also be seen as a positive sign. It shows that we are doing our job properly. Truly professional journalists are not welcome under the current regime in Serbia. Professional journalism is precisely what they do not want, which is why they attack every media outlet that continues to operate professionally and independently.
Grgin: How would you describe the overall state of media freedom in Serbia today? For instance, on 3 May Storyteller published an article titled “Serbia Drops on the Press Freedom Index as Journalists’ Associations Warn of a Record Number of Attacks.”
Dorcova Valtnerova: That text and that index essentially say everything about the situation in the country when it comes to the media and the position of journalists. Every day we say that things have never been worse, and then the next day arrives and they somehow become even worse. There are countless attacks – I will not cite the figures now, because you can easily find them online. But it is not normal in a modern state that claims to be democratic for journalists to be subjected to verbal and physical attacks, targeted, and systematically prevented from doing their work in every possible way.
Many media outlets are struggling enormously, especially financially, but also psychologically, because the constant pressure and lawsuits are exhausting. Fortunately, that has not happened to us so far, and I hope it never will. At the same time, media financing has become extremely difficult. Advertising in professional media either exists only to a very limited extent or does not exist at all, particularly for smaller outlets, where advertisers are afraid to place ads because they fear repercussions afterward – repercussions imposed by the current regime.
Some of us have effectively been placed on “blacklists,” and for years now we have received no funding from provincial authorities, ministries, or local governments. So, when people ask me how things are, I say “great,” but with quotation marks around it.
Of course, some outlets are somewhat stronger in terms of organization and fundraising, which gives them a bit more financial stability. But not all media outlets are in the same position. As media and journalists’ associations stated in their 3 May declaration, being a journalist in Serbia today is extremely difficult. I would add one more word: “self-destructive.” Because the problem is not only the constant attacks and financial insecurity – those of us working in the media are psychologically and mentally exhausted. Some admit it, some do not. Some are aware of it, some are not. But in a year or two, the true psychological toll on journalists will become impossible to ignore.
Since the canopy collapse, it feels as though we have been working under wartime conditions. As though we are living through a war in which the regime is not only fighting citizens who think for themselves, but journalists as well. It feels as if we carry targets on our heads or on our backs.
Grgin: How would you describe your cooperation with other media organizations in Serbia? Is there a sense of mutual solidarity and support among you in responding to pressures and challenges?
Dorcova Valtnerova: Absolutely. What we in Serbia – at least those of us who still think independently – take pride in is the extraordinary solidarity among media professionals who genuinely inform the public and uphold professional and ethical standards. This solidarity exists not only at the institutional level, that is through media and journalism organizations that bring together various actors in the field, but also, remarkably, on a deeply personal level.
Journalists across Serbia constantly support one another whenever something terrible happens to a newsroom or to a fellow journalist. We also share our reporting materials extensively, especially when covering events or doing investigations. If one person captures footage that another missed, it is immediately shared. There is a truly exceptional spirit of solidarity among us.
That solidarity has always existed, but today it has become more visible and more powerful than ever. In many ways, it stands as one of the defining pillars of journalism in Serbia. When people hear the phrase “journalism in Serbia,” I would love for their first association to be the solidarity shared among journalists.
Grgin: What about your relationship with other types of civil society organizations? For example, those focused on protecting human rights, minority rights, and similar causes?
Dorcova Valtnerova: In general, the NGO sector that approaches its work in a professional way is really part of this broader media community, although I would say it is not merely a media community, but more fundamentally a human one. Absolutely, there is both cooperation and solidarity within it. Many NGOs respond, whether through public statements or other mechanisms, whenever they feel the need to publicly support a media outlet or an individual journalist.
Very often, especially over the past year and a half, various NGOs have been conducting research and documenting the state of the Serbian media landscape. Perhaps they were not previously so focused on these issues, but in the meantime, we have become more connected in that respect as well, keeping one another informed and exchanging knowledge. After all, we are all working toward the same goal – that in the near future we might live in a somewhat better, more humane society here in Serbia.
Grgin: To what extent are Serbian citizens today engaged in civil society, particularly in the context of prolonged protests sparked by the Novi Sad tragedy? What level of support does civil society enjoy among the wider public?
Dorcova Valtnerova: Over the past year and a half, part of society has clearly shown that it is not merely a passive observer of events. Perhaps at one point it was, but it has awakened. Maybe another segment of society could still awaken as well, but that too is a process – nothing can be forced. I would say that the support for the student movement, as well as for the many civic initiatives that emerged, whether formal or informal, after the collapse of the canopy in Novi Sad, strongly demonstrates public support for the NGO sector. The strength and visibility of that support naturally fluctuate, but that is understandable. We are all human, and no one can remain constantly motivated every single day over the course of an entire year. We lose momentum, and then we regain it. Sometimes it feels as though the whole idea of finally building a better society in Serbia has faded away – and then something happens that reignites it.
This civic engagement was also very clearly reflected in the local elections held at the end of March. Even now, the process of constituting local councils is still ongoing. Those elections showed just how active citizens have become. Not only did people create their own electoral lists – whether the so-called Students’ List or opposition-backed lists that included civic groups – but they also organized themselves far more effectively, and voter turnout was exceptionally high.
Of course, election day itself was marked by major tensions in many municipalities, and we continue to see that even now. On 5 May, the constitutive session of the local council in the municipality of Kula took place. Kula is about 20 kilometers away from the municipality of Backi Petrovac, where our main office is. In Kula, the SNS holds 19 council seats, while the “Students’ List” has 18. In other words, the “Students’ List” came very close to winning.
The 5 May session was particularly revealing. Eighteen votes were cast in favor of an SNS proposal, which means that one individual defected to the opposition and voted against the SNS-backed candidate [for council president]. Unsurprisingly, tensions in Kula were high throughout the day. There was also a heavy police presence. Here, it often feels as though no public event can take place without tensions and police intervention.
In the end, the vote was repeated publicly, even though such a procedure violates the statute and was, therefore, illegal. Ultimately, the SNS candidate was still elected. But had the original vote – the legitimate one – been upheld, the SNS would, in fact, have lost Kula.
So yes, tensions are constant. But they exist precisely because citizens have awakened. In this sense, even these negative developments can, in a way, be seen as a positive sign, as an indication that people are no longer passive.
Grgin: How do you see Serbia’s future unfolding in the coming years? Do you expect a gradual weakening of the political establishment and a broader liberalization of the country, or does the continuation of the current status quo seem like the more realistic scenario?
Dorcova Valtnerova: As a journalist who primarily follows and observes developments in smaller local communities – though, of course, I also pay attention to what is happening nationally – it seems to me that this erosion has already begun. But erosion can happen quickly and abruptly, or it can unfold gradually over a long period of time. And in this case, it is already becoming clear that it will take longer than many of us had hoped.
Still, I am not even sure what “longer” means anymore. This regime has already been in power for far too long, and with every election, many of us were optimistic – I would even say painfully naive – in believing that change could come more swiftly. Yet, I want to believe, and I am trying to remain optimistic, that the gradual erosion of the current political establishment is under way.
What constantly lingers in the back of my mind, however, is the sense that this establishment will do everything it can to stay in power at least until next year, when the much-discussed Expo 2027 will take place. The stakes are enormous because huge financial resources are involved, and no regime like this one in Serbia would willingly pass up such an opportunity. Of course, not for noble or altruistic reasons.
Vladimira Dorcova Valtnerova is a media consultant and journalist based in Serbia’s Vojvodina province. She is the owner and editor-in-chief of Storyteller.
Andrej Grgin is an editorial intern at Transitions. He has a master’s degree in Balkan, Eurasian, and Central European Studies from Charles University in Prague.
